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    "id": 678044,
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    "content": "I encourage Sen. Sijeny that if she takes what we are saying seriously, and this is a position held across the Floor, instead of waiting for the Bill to meet the fate and then wait for six months to bring it back, withdraw it and recast it. We support affirmative action, but we do not want some of our ladies entrenching themselves once they come into the House and continue to be elected and nominated, while others wait out there. She can recast it, bring it and we will pass it with ease. If it is amendable, I would encourage her to give a commitment to the House that she will amend the Bill so that she either leaves it fluid by not having such clauses or casts it to a situation where it makes it clear that this is a revolving door, where if Sen. Bule nominates his daughter - I hope he does not - he cannot just create a dynasty, where his daughter is always being nominated. What about other daughters? Every woman is somebody’s daughter and must be given equal opportunity to benefit from the new Constitution, the new legal structure and the new regime that we have in our electoral system. I encourage that this be done for purposes of creating opportunities for all. Madam Temporary Speaker, Clause 5, Article 97 says:- “Article 97 of the Constitution is amended- (a) In Clause (1) by inserting the following new paragraph immediately after paragraph (c)- The number of special seat Members necessary to ensure that no more than two-third of the membership of the National Assembly is of the same gender; I have quite agonized on this. Last time I said there is a lady called Sarah Serem who wails louder than the bereaved from rooftops about the wage Bill. We have too many people in the the structure of electoral process in the country and too many corresponding nominations to meet this gender rule. This is to the extent that if the United Kingdom (UK) with a population of 68 million has 400 elected people in their House of Parliament. India, with 1.3 billion people has a Parliament of 500. How do we justify the numbers that we have? The problems we are having with counties is because of the reckless compromise we had after failing to agree on what would constitute regions as they were then called and not counties. You can remember that at Bomas of Kenya, it was agreed that the former provinces; Rift Valley was to be split into three, Eastern into three, Central into two, Western into two, Nyanza into two, North Eastern into two. Nairobi as an extra provincial region was to remain while the Coast opted to remain one. We were going to have 16 regions which would have been more viable. There would have been a Parliament of the Coast region in Mombasa and another in Meru, covering the entire upper eastern and another in Machakos covering the lower eastern. We were to have a Parliament in Kakamega or Bungoma, Kisumu and Kisii covering an area that is economically viable in population, economy and everything. We ended up with counties, some that are not even viable in terms of physical size and so on and so forth. I have said this, that we must---"
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